Suchergebnisse

Social development theorists tend to assume that women's political power will increase to the extent that they participate in public policy making & are freed from a purely domestic, private role. This view, however, does not allow for the political power women achieve in their traditional social roles. Women's functioning in Sudan's political economy is examined in historical context, showing how they have been exploited through sex-biased educational & employment policies & practices. Cultural differences between northern & southern Sudanese are discussed. 1 Figure. D. Dunseath.

Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Various forms of political participation are found in democratic societies, and these are diversifying at a steady pace. Scholarly literature presents us with an array of typologies of participation, some of which were conceived theoretically, and others derived from empirical research. This paper studies how political participation surfaces in media discourse in Italy and Greece. Specifically, it seeks to understand the social representations of political participation in both countries between 2000 and 2015, and to see which typologies of political participation are reflected in such representations. A media analysis was carried out on a sizeable corpus of newspaper articles in both countries. Data were analysed using a combination of correspondence and cluster analysis. The results indicate higher internal differentiation and gradualness characterising the social representations of political participation in the Italian corpus. In Greece, there was the presence of more radical ideological alternatives to electoral participation. Moreover, results indicate temporal stability in the themes pertaining to political participation over the years. The main contribution of this paper lies in showing that content pertaining to various typologies of political participation (e.g., relating to influence, in/formality and protest) features in the social representations of political participation in newspaper media. Findings are discussed in view of the temporal distribution of representational content, and by comparing country-specific typologies (for Italy and Greece) with those present in the literature. ; peer-reviewed

In recent years, the study of political participation has benefited from growing attention to the study of social networks. Historically, most explanations for political participation have focused on characteristics of individuals. Although these individual-level correlates do a "pretty good" job of predicting who participates, incorporating social networks deepens our understanding of the factors that lead people to express voice in the democratic process. Even though the participation literature has long been split between scholars who favor a focus on individuals and others who emphasize social networks, the two approaches need not be in tension. Instead, they complement one another. The individualistic factors known to correlate with participation-including education, religious attendance, political knowledge, political conviction, and civic duty-all have a social dimension. Adapted from the source document.

GENERAL REVENUE SHARING IS OFTEN VIEWED AS A DOUBLE THREAT. REVENUE SHARING LEGISLATION FAILS TO REQUIRE ANY SPECIFIC PROPORTION OF THE RETURNED MONEY TO BE SPENT ON SOCIAL NEEDS & FAILS TO INCLUDE ANY PROVISIONS FOR THE MANDATORY PARTICIPATION OF LOCAL CITIZENS IN THE EXPENDITURE OF THE FUNDS. CITIZEN PARTICIPATION & SOCIAL SERVICE ISSUES OF REVENUE SHARING ARE REVIEWED & THE AVAILABLE EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE CONCERNING THESE MATTERS IS EXAMINED. WHILE THE FEARS OF SOME REVENUE SHARING CRITICS CANNOT BE DISMISSED LIGHTLY, THE PROGRAM HAS NOT LED TO A COMPLETE DEMISE OF PARTICIPATION OPPORTUNITIES, NOR HAS IT TOTALLY IGNORED SOCIAL SERVICE CONCERNS. THOSE INTERESTED IN RECEIVING GREATER PROPORTIONS OF REVENUE SHARING FUNDS SHOULD ORGANIZE & COMPETE WITH OTHER GROUPS AT THE LOCAL LEVEL. THE MOST IMPORTANT & LASTING CONTRIBUTION OF REVENUE SHARING MAY BE THE STIMULATION & ENCOURAGEMENT OF INCREASED INTEREST & INVOLVEMENT OF PREVIOUSLY IGNORED GROUPS IN THE UR DECISION MAKING PROCESS. MODIFIED HA.

For those concerned with the opportunities of citizen participation in local politics and with the propor tion of federal assistance monies allocated to social service needs, general revenue sharing often is viewed as a double threat. Not only does the revenue sharing legislation fail to require any specific proportion of the returned money to be spent on social needs, but it also fails to include any provisions for the mandatory participation of local citizens in the expenditure of the funds. Thus, revenue sharing, and the entire concept of "New Federalism," marks a dramatic and potentially profound change from the categorical grant programs of the 1960s. This article reviews the citizen participation and social service issues of revenue sharing and examines the available empirical evidence concerning these matters. It finds that, while the fears of some revenue sharing critics cannot be dismissed lightly, the program has not led to a complete demise of participation opportunities, nor can it be said to have ignored totally social service concerns. It suggests that those interested in receiving greater proportions of revenue sharing funds organize and compete with other groups at the local level. In the final analysis, the most important and lasting contribution of revenue sharing may be the stimulation and encouragement of increased interest and involvement of previously ignored groups in the urban decision making process.

In recent years, the study of political participation has benefited from growing attention to the study of social networks. Historically, most explanations for political participation have focused on characteristics of individuals. Although these individual-level correlates do a "pretty good" job of predicting who participates, incorporating social networks deepens our understanding of the factors that lead people to express voice in the democratic process. Even though the participation literature has long been split between scholars who favor a focus on individuals and others who emphasize social networks, the two approaches need not be in tension. Instead, they complement one another. The individualistic factors known to correlate with participation—including education, religious attendance, political knowledge, political conviction, and civic duty—all have a social dimension.